Can White People Ever Emotionally Understand The Impact of Racism?

Sue Lyle, a teacher trainer for over 20 years has struggled to understand racism and to give would-be teachers a small insight into what it feels to be child from a BAME community. Understanding white privilege and the power of fiction have helped, she says.

It’s hard for a white person, no matter how well intentioned, to really understand what it is like to be black or from an ethnic minority, in a predominantly white society.

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      string(5714) "likely to enter teaching, since, they are least likely to pass their degrees, and those who pass their degrees are least likely to pass with good grades, thereby being unable to meet the entry requirements for a place on a teacher training programme. This situation deepens the challenge and widens the representation gap, thus restricting the potential pool of prospective BAME teachers, and, ultimately, leaders. Tackling issues to do with the pipeline requires leadership from government and schools, that dovetails in a collective agenda and endeavour, aimed at changing cultures, attitudes and behaviours.  That is, initiatives by government must be met by school leaders and governors with genuine enthusiasm and support, conceived and delivered from a place of social justice and public duty. As Miller (2016) notes: “Light-touch and self-serving interactions and interventions are those that are superﬁcial (voluntary or otherwise) and lacking in accountability, and that, by their existence, reify notions of exclusivity which highlight weaknesses in policy leadership and educational practices, from the nursery to university” (Miller, 2016, p. 14). School leaders: school leaders, primarily headteachers, must use the power associated with their roles to change mindsets and build cultures of inclusion and justice. It is not enough to simply acknowledge the problem of race inequality. On its own, acknowledgment is rather passive, and social justice leadership is active. School leaders are, therefore, called upon to go beyond lip service and to examine official and research data, consult with staff, community interests, researchers and others, as necessary, in seeking not only to understand the severity of the problem, but also to develop and introduce mechanisms of support, such as: mentoring, shadowing, coaching, targeted professional development programmes, etc, that aim to or that can make a difference to BAME teachers. To the BAME teachers, such an active approach demonstrates two things. First, as individuals, the BAME teachers matter and are valued by school leaders. Second, their progression matters to their school’s leadership team.   School governors: the job of the school board is to make a school/ school leaders accountable to the state in the first instance and to the public in the second. These are important functions. As agents of the state, school governors have a duty to insist and ensure that the Equality Act is implemented and that those with protected characteristics are not disenfranchised. As agents of the public, school governors have a duty to question and challenge practices that do not promote equality (in this case racial equality), and to agitate for, demand and insist that programmes and practices to be drafted and implemented in response to said practices. Leading change in racial equality in school leadership requires courage from both school leaders and school governors. And working in tandem with each other, school governors and school leaders, especially, are responsible for devising workable plans that can retain, if not raise, the confidence of teachers, students and parents. Thus, their status provides them  much authority and influence which they can use to challenge and break down systems and barriers, replacing these with structures that encourage and facilitate equity. But meaningful improvements in racial equality in school leadership also require a collective endeavour and a broad-based coalition that appropriately draws upon other voices and talents from different segments within the education sector, including: policy makers, teaching unions, teachers, professional and technical staff and student groups. Crucially, input from BAME teachers and researchers in this area is vital, to help others understand the severity of the issues through lived experiences, and to debate, design and co-develop interventions. The inclusion of BAME actors, however, should not derogate the inclusion of white voices in this collective endeavour, for inasmuch as it is acknowledged that white teachers and school leaders can use their racial privilege to agitate for and lead change, it is also to be acknowledged that racial equality in school leadership is the business of everyone working in the field of education at any level.ReferencesAhmed, S. (2007a). The language of diversity. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 30 (2), pp. 235-256Department for Education (2016) Leadership, Equality and Diversity Fund. Briefing Paper, November. Available at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/573553/Equality_and_Diversity_analysis_of_participant_survey.pdf (accessed 8 January 2018).Department for Education, (2017a). Schools, pupils and their characteristics: January 2017. SFR28/2017. Available at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/650547/SFR28_2017_Main_Text.pdf (accessed 11 January 2018). Department for Education, (2017b). School workforce in England: November 2014. SFR 25/2017. Available at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/620825/SFR25_2017_MainText.pdf (accessed 11 January 2018). Earley, P, Higham, R, Allen, R, Allen, T, Howson, J, Nelson, R, Rawar, S, Lynch, S, Morton, L, Mehta, P and Sims, D. (2012). Review of the school leadership landscape. Nottingham: National College for School Leadership. Equality Challenge Unit. (2011). The experience of black and minority ethnic staﬀ in higher education in England. London: Equality"
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Executive Leadership

Institutional Racism in Schools: What Can School Leaders And Governors Do?

8 Jun 2020

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      string(5969) "This new study by UCL Institute of Education (IOE) finds that 46% of all schools in England have no Black, Asian and minority ethnic (BAME) teachers, and even in ethnically diverse schools, BAME teachers are underrepresented in senior leadership teams. The researchers also found that only 16% of schools across England employ over a fifth of their teachers from BAME groups.The research team found that BAME teachers are concentrated in London schools, as well as ethnically diverse schools both in terms of staff and pupils. BAME teachers also tend to work in disadvantaged schools in London. The teacher interviews revealed that they were open and motivated to teach in urban diverse schools, which experience teacher supply challenges, because they value diversity in the workplace and relate to pupils from non-dominant ethnic communities.Although teachers value workplace diversity, they disapprove of the universal whiteness of senior leadership teams (SLTs) in otherwise diverse schools, the study found. This underrepresentation in leadership plays a role in BAME teachers’ decisions to move schools because of a perceived negative impact on the organisational culture.Stalled opportunities for career progression are the key turnover and attrition factor for experienced BAME teachers in England. 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The experience of battling racial inequalities was a ‘hidden workload’ for these teachers, which led to burnout, turnover and attrition.The report highlighted perceived low expectations or negative attitudes about minority students, lack of support for culturally relevant and inclusive teaching, colour-blind approaches to dealing with students and staff, and limited dialogue about ‘race’ and equity in the school.  The report also highlighted the impact of particular inequalities that matter for teachers from different ethnic groups and subject backgrounds.It found the job satisfaction and retention of BAME teachers are affected by intersections of race and racism with other aspects of identity such as gender, class, skin colour, and immigrant background.Key Findings:BAME teachers work within a predominantly white profession, even in urban schools serving diverse communities. At the national level, only 16% of schools employ over 20% of their teachers from minority ethnic groups. The next most diverse group of around 15% of schools have between 10% and 20% of their teachers from minority ethnic groups. BAME teachers are concentrated in London schools and in ethnically diverse schools. On average, around 35% of teachers in Outer London and just over 40% of those in Inner London schools are from a BAME background – a much greater concentration than in any other region. Across England, there is a strong relationship between the presence of BAME teachers and minority ethnic representation amongst non-teaching staff within schools, as well as pupils. BAME teachers tend to work in disadvantaged schools, particularly in London. London schools located in the most deprived areas employ a high proportion of around 45% of BAME teachers (where deprivation is defined by the Income Deprivation Affecting Children Index). Elsewhere this pattern also exists. London schools with a high concentration of pupils eligible for free school meals (FSM) also employ significantly more teachers from BAME groups than schools with low numbers of FSM pupils. BAME teachers are open and motivated to teach in urban diverse schools. BAME teachers are motivated to opt forteaching in urban schools because they value diversity in the workplace and relate to pupils from non-dominant ethnic communities. Racism and associated inequalities are at the forefront of BAME teachers’ minds in conversations about retention, not workload. Our participants highlighted how both overt and covert racism takes a toll on BAME teachers’ wellbeing, progression and job satisfaction. BAME teachers had the same high levels of workload as all teachers, plus an additional ‘hidden workload’ of coping with racism. The ethnic diversity of senior leadership teams in urban schools with high-minority pupil intakes is important for the overall retention of BAME teachers. All of the teachers interviewed disapproved of the universal whiteness of senior leadership teams (SLT) in otherwise diverse schools. This issue plays a role in teachers’ decisions to move schools because of a perceived negative impact on the organisational culture. The racial literacy of all school leaders and their commitment to equity and social justice are important for creating a supportive organisational culture. Interviews suggested that the SLT plays the key role in creating multicultural capital within ethnically diverse schools, including by making a conscious effort to increase their own racial literacy to end colour-blind or stereotypical approaches to BAME staff development. Participants also commented that there is a need to acknowledge how wider social inequalities are mirrored and reproduced in"
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Leadership

Making Progress? Employment and Retention of BAME Teachers in England

16 Dec 2020

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      string(5752) "We know that there is a scarcity of BAME leaders in our schools. Whilst just under 30% of pupils of secondary school age and just over 30% of pupils of primary school age are from Black And Minority Ethnic backgrounds, the proportion of BAME teachers is under 15% while the proportion of senior leaders in schools remains under 10% (for details see DfE 2017(a) and (b)).  This disproportion between the ethnicity of pupils, particularly in urban schools, compared to the ethnicity of their teachers and school leaders deserves to be more fully researched. A review of the school leadership landscape (Earley et al.,) concluded that the chances of making it to senior leadership were lower for all ethnic minority groups compared to White British, endorsing the findings of earlier research, for example, Bush et al, (2006). The government has recognised the need to intervene, identifying professional development for leadership related to equality and diversity as one of the priority policy themes to be supported in the latest £75 million Teaching and Leadership Innovation Fund (DfE. 2016). Gunter (2006, p. 166) identifies the purposes of research as:Technical where the researcher’s purpose is to log what is taking place.Illuminative where the researcher attempts to interpret the meaning of what is taking place.Critical where the aim of the research is to question the power relationships within the activity taking place.Practical in that the research is intended to look for ways of improving.Positional which aligns the research with particular knowledge claims.We need to know more about what is taking place with regard to the progression of BAME teachers and we need interpretations of what this means. We also need to question the power relationships involved and look for ways to improve the situation as well as furthering understanding of the underlying political standpoints. More research about BAME leadership is needed to achieve all of these purposes. There have been many valuable and insightful small projects which it would be invidious to attempt to list here. However, at present, the single biggest relevant study remains that undertaken by Bush, Glover and Sood (2006) funded by what was then the National College of School Leadership (NCSL). This national research project incorporated a survey, case studies and an extensive literature review.  The report that emerged was revealing but called for more; ‘research with BME teachers to establish their leadership aspirations and their experience in seeking to advance their careers.’ It is indicative of the paucity of published research in the area of ethnicity and educational leadership that, in 2012, (the year of the fortieth anniversary of the British Educational Leadership, Management and Administration Society (BELMAS)), a review of the articles relating to diversity in the previous 40 years of their journal, Educational Management Administration and Leadership, identified only one on ethnicity (MacKay and Etienne, 2006) out of around 50 articles on  aspects of diversity (Coleman, 2012). Hopefully, the establishment of a research interest group on race within BELMAS will prove a positive step towards an increase in research and publications on ethnicity and educational leadership in the future, and I wish Professor Paul Miller and Dr Christine Callender every success in leading this initiative.In the area of ethnicity and leadership some of the questions I have looked at in the past are:Why is it apparently so difficult for BAME candidates to achieve headship and other senior leadership roles?Once in role, how does ethnicity affect their lived experience as an educational leader? And, since we live in a multi-cultural society and diverse society: How might all school leaders ensure that we are working towards a future that offers real equality of opportunity to every pupil irrespective of their ethnicity?These questions extend to issues of policy beyond the remit of school leaders, but they do relate to how individual leaders operate within their schools. Equality, diversity and social justice potentially permeate every aspect of leadership and management, including, for example, recruitment, induction, professional development, curriculum leadership and overall the development of an inclusive and caring ethos.  Focusing on the first of the questions above: why does it appear to be so difficult for BAME candidates to achieve headship and other senior roles. There may be some issues relating to the pool of available candidates. Ogunbawo (2012, p. 159) commented on the fact that there had been some difficulties in “attracting, recruiting and retaining ethnic minority candidates” to undertake teacher training. However, homing in on the issue of the paucity of BAME educational leaders, there is little doubt that BAME teachers face difficulties that limit their opportunities. 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Leadership

Black Leaders: A Case For More Research

16 Apr 2018

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      string(4604) "There are clear differences in labour market outcomes for different ethnic groups in the HE sector with men and women from black ethnicities showing significant pay penalties relative to white men. According to the report, black and minority ethnic academics earn on average, thousands of pounds less every year than their peers. Black male academics are paid around 13 per cent less on average than white male academics of a similar age and education, while black female academics were paid around 12 per cent less than white males. The report concludes that pay penalties for ethnic minorities doing the same jobs as white colleagues with equal qualifications are significant. They amount to £11,011 for black males and £9,855 for black females respectively, the report concludes. White female academics were also found to suffer a pay penalty of 6.5 per cent compared to their white colleagues, while female Asian academics had a 9.6 per cent pay penalty, which results in them being paid £3,346 and £4,960 a year less respectively. Key Findings: Pay penalties for ethnic minorities are significant in the sector with Black men and Black women earning the least on average. There is no significant gender pay gap between Black men and Black women either among all staff or in each of the main workforce segments (academic and professional services) indicating no compound intersectional effect for these groups. Asian men earn significantly less on average than White men but marginally more than White females. Asian women earn significantly less than White women. The gender pay gap between Asian men and Asian women is significant indicating the presence of an intersectional effect for these groups. Black men and Black women are much more likely to work in lower level grades and much less likely to work in senior and management positions than their White and Asian counterparts. As with the gender pay gap, we see that it is vertical job level segregation rather than differences in pay for like workers that leads to large pay differentials for ethnic minority staff. Nationality is a significant factor in the sector pay outcomes but this does not fully explain the pay penalties for Black staff and Asian women. Non-UK ethnic minority staff show larger pay penalties relative to UK White male comparators than UK ethnic minorities. The earnings of UK Asian men are only slightly lower than those of UK White male comparators. The pay penalty experienced by ethnic minority women in the sector is much more likely to be due to factors associated with their ethnicity than their gender. Recommendations: Analyses of ethnicity pay gaps should at a minimum be disaggregated by broad ethnic groups and ideally by more granular ethnic groupings, when the data sample size allows. The impact of nationality on ethnicity pay gaps merits consideration and the reasons for any differences should be identified where possible. HEIs should consider intersectionality as part of their examination of gender and ethnicity on pay outcomes and how their existing gender pay gap interventions may affect women from different ethnic backgrounds. Given the findings on ethnic minority staff distribution by contract level, we believe attention should be given to interventions that improve the ethnic diversity of recruitment pools and actively address barriers to progression that are more likely to affect ethnic minorities. Care should be taken in communications to avoid ethnic pay gaps being attributed solely to ‘discrimination’ or ‘racism’. In a similar vein, it is unhelpful to conflate gender pay gaps with equal pay problems. Further qualitative and quantitative research would be beneficial to better understand the reasons for systematic pay differences between Black and Asian staff and their White counterparts. Such research could consider the impact of household level and individual-level characteristics that were not available in our dataset such as household composition and previous work experience. WEB LINK Caught At The Crossroads?Keywords Pay penalties, ethnic minority groups, employers, gender, pay gaps, job level segregation "
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Leadership

Caught At The Crossroads?

3 Dec 2018

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      string(5474) "ResourceMIGRATION AND SOCIAL MOBILITYOriginal Document‘Migration and social mobility: the life chances of Britain’s minority ethnic communities’ is a 52-page study written by Lucinda Platt of the University of Essex, compiled from data over 30 years and involving 140,000 children, showing how young people from working class ethnic minorities tend to out-perform their white counterparts. The full report by Lucinda Platt is published for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation by The Policy Press and can be ordered HERE (ISBN 1 86134 800 2, price £9.95).KeywordsEthnic minorities, Lucinda Platt, migration, social classSummaryThe study examines the class position of those children growing up in the 1960s-80s in England and Wales and how family background remains important in achieving occupational success and avoiding unemployment. However, there are differences across ethnic groups. The study found that:· The children of parents in higher social classes are more likely to end up in higher social classes themselves. This is the case even when taking account of individual educational achievement.· Most minority ethnic groups show high levels of children moving into a higher class than their parents. This is consistent with the idea that their parents suffered downward mobility on arrival in Britain.· For some minority groups (Caribbeans, Black Africans, Indians, Chinese and other) children with working-class parents are more likely to end up in professional/managerial class families than white British people from similar origins. This can be explained by educational achievement.· Pakistanis in the sample were the exception to this pattern. Despite their parents being very heavily concentrated in the working-class, they show lower levels of upward mobility than their white British counterparts, even when taking account of their educational levels.· Bangladeshis also show some of this disproportionate disadvantage. But, for them, more is explained through their backgrounds and educational achievements.· Having parents from a higher social class tends to protect children against ending up in an unemployed household in adulthood.· However, even when taking account of parents’ social class, those from minority ethnic groups are at greater risk of unemployment than their white British counterparts from similar backgrounds. This is particularly true of Caribbeans.· Exploring differences between religious groups reveals that, controlling for their backgrounds and other characteristics, Jews and Hindus are more likely to end up in a higher social class than their Christian counterparts; Muslims and Sikhs have lower chances.· This is not just an effect of ethnicity (i.e. the fact that most Muslims are from the already disadvantaged Pakistani and Bangladeshi communities). Differences within the Indian ethnic group show that Hindus (and, to a lesser extent, Christians) are much more ‘successful’ than Sikhs and Muslims.ConclusionWhile other research has indicated that class background continues to be important, much of that privilege has been shown to operate through educational opportunities and through parents supporting the next generation in achieving educational qualifications. This research shows that a privileged background continues to operate alongside education in increasing chances of more favourable outcomes.This study also shows how religion can provide valuable additional information on diversity within groups.On this evidence, the conclusion reached is that the ideal of a ‘meritocracy’ in which class and ethnic background no longer play a role is not being fulfilled for the up-and-coming generations.Action Notes· The large amount of upward mobility for all groups in the period studied was a result of the expansion of professional and managerial occupations.· In 1971 and 1981, parents from minority ethnic groups were very heavily concentrated in the working-class. This meant that the levels of upward mobility for their children appeared particularly marked. However, of four minority groups examined in detail, it was only those from the Indian ethnic group whose proportion in professional/managerial occupations in 2001 exceeded that of the white non-migrants.· For all the children in the study, the research examined whether relative chances of occupational success depended on class origins. It found that the children of parents from higher social classes were themselves more likely to end up in the professional or managerial classes, even when the children’s own educational achievement was taken into account.· Two factors also independently increase the chances of ending up in a professional or managerial class family: economic assets in the household in which the child was growing up, and having a highly qualified mother. Thus, while education is clearly very important in determining occupational outcomes, class background continues to play a role. This is in addition to the role class background may play in helping towards educational success in the first place.AuthorRaspal Chima, Questions PublishingDate CreatedNovember 2005Enquiries to:rchima@qiis.co.uk(Authoring Unit)Month / YearPage 1 of 1©Birmingham City Council"
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Leadership

Migration and Social Mobility

1 Oct 2005